Moldovenism versus Românism (I)
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811.135.1'276.6:32(478) (2)
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CIMPOEŞU, Dorin. Moldovenism versus Românism (I). In: Limba Română . 2017, nr. 1(237), pp. 52-67. ISSN 0235-9111.
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Limba Română
Numărul 1(237) / 2017 / ISSN 0235-9111

Moldovenism versus Românism (I)

CZU: 811.135.1'276.6:32(478)
Pag. 52-67

Cimpoeşu Dorin
 
Academia de Poliţie „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Bucureşti
 
Proiect:
INTAS 2004-78-7193 Imaging GaAs X-ray Detectors
 
Disponibil în IBN: 31 mai 2017


Rezumat

The author gives a brief and synthetic presentation of the beginnings and evolution of the Bessarabia issue, starting in 1812, the year when the feudal state of Moldova was occupied by Tsarist Russia, and going through 1991, the year when Bessarabia detached itself from the Soviet empire, till 2012. As results from the title, the study aims to present an analysis of confrontation between Moldovianism ideology and Romanianism, with direct consequences for political developments in the Republic of Moldova after its Declaration of Independence, as well as bilateral relations between this and Romania. The study is divided into three chapters: Moldovianism origin, political institutionalization and transformation of Moldovianism into a state ideology. The first chapter deals with the issue of Moldovianism appearance or fundamentalism Moldovian as it is called, laboratories where it was created and the purpose for which its theses were drawn to by its founders. The second chapter is devoted to stages of political institutionalization of Moldovianism, forms of its manifestation, ways and methods of action, based on so-called Moldovian statehood through to ultra-nationalism Moldovian revisionist. The third chapter is dedicated to raising of Moldovianism to a state ideology during the communist regime restored, dispute about „national identity” of Republic of Moldova and its extremely serious consequences on bilateral relations between the two Romanian states. The study especially focuses on a series of significant aspects, including: – The geo-strategic interests of Tsarist and then Soviet Russia, in the Danube mouths and the Balkan area, a geographic area including the Romanian Principates; – The Soviet actions to obstruct and even stop any efforts to reunite Bessarabia with its motherland, as developed by the Great Assemblies in Chisinau; – The ‘support’ granted by communist Russian historiography to a new ideology, i.e. the ‘Moldovan element’, regarding the so-called existence of the “Moldovan people” living in Bessarabia and speaking the “Moldovan language”, who was supposed to be radically different from the Romanian people; – Under the circumstances of the dissolution of the Soviet Empire, the initiation of the national rebirth movement of the Romanian population in Bessarabia, and the introduction of certain democratic reforms – unfortunately limited because of the still strong control of the agonizing totalitarian Soviet regime, but also because of the duplicity and lack of courage displayed by certain local leaders; The author’s idea is based on the truth of the fact that Romania has an incontestable historical right upon one very old territory of its own, i.e. Bassarabia, which needs no further demonstration. Based on this, the Romanian state is entitled to be concerned with the events developing in the Republic of Moldova, and to state this openly. The dispute between Romania and Russia started in the context of the events in 1918, and has continued until present day, adopting various expressions – sometimes half-official, but most of the times simply non-stated. The current paper analyzes the political, economical, cultural-spiritual and other kinds of levels used by Romania and Russia, aiming to diametrically opposed goals – the former in order to determine respect for the Romanian identity of Bassarabia (The Republic of Moldova) and to open its way towards an advanced, European development model; and the latter – in order to preserve an artificial political project of Stalinist origins, completely foreign to the Romanian population on the left bank of the Prut River and to keep this territory within the Russian influence sphere.